What does N. Biren Singh’s Resignation and Imposition of President’s Rule Mean for Manipur?

N Biren Singh hands over the letter of resignation from the post of Chief Minister to Governor Ajay Kumar Bhalla, at Raj Bhavan in Imphal. His resignation, however, offers little hope for any improvement of the ethnic violence in the State.
| Photo Credit: ANI

The resignation of N. Biren Singh as the Chief Minister (CM) of strife-torn Manipur is long overdue, and by the same token, offers little hope of any significant turnaround at the ground level. Things could have been much different if Singh had accepted responsibility for the unrest and violence that have rocked the State over the last 22 months. But it was not moral qualms but mounting political pressure from its own MLAs, local allies, and National Democratic Alliance (NDA) partners such as the National People’s Party (NPP) and Janata Dal (United) that has forced the BJP to, finally, eject Singh. The party was also fearful of losing control over Manipur after its handling of the crisis left it with a severely dented public image.

On the positive side, Singh’s exit has opened the door for political and social unity within the Meitei community. On January 24, all Meitei MLAs and MPs owing allegiance to “Arambai Tenggol” met at Imphal. (Arambai means small, dart-like weapons that are thrown at enemies, often from horseback [Tenggol]. In today’s context, Arambai Tenggol refers to a Meitei-based vigilante group that has emerged in response to perceived threats to the community’s identity, culture, and land.] After the meeting, a consensus letter was signed regarding Singh’s resignation and calling for political unity among Meitei MLAs, MPs and various organisations within the community. The BJP high command was briefed about the outcome of the meeting. 

Recently, a political strategy session concerning his resignation took place in Imphal and an organisation of radical youth groups from the community informed the BJP of the decisions taken at the meeting. A meeting of all the Meitei MLAs, barring Singh, organised by radical groups at Imphal, was also held. During the meeting, in which even opposition MLAs participated, an oath was administered.

Also Read | Eyes wide shut: How the state turns away from Manipur’s realities

Dissatisfaction with the BJP’s handling of the crisis also led seven party MLAs to hold a silent sit-in at Jantar Mantar, wearing black masks, on December 10, last year. In December 2024, NDA allies also withdrew from N. Biren Singh’s government. Naga organisations had also issued an ultimatum to the Central government demanding that the 2015 Naga Peace Accord be made public before January 26. Amidst all these developments, the State government has only taken superficial action against armed organisations, which has given an impetus to the ongoing cycle of violence. Central security forces have also struggled to maintain balance between the Meitei and Kuki communities, resulting in a perception of bias in their deployment and actions.

For a long time now, youth organisations from both communities have become armed and communalised, engaging in guerrilla-style conflicts. A parallel government of armed youth organisations is currently operating in Manipur. The Kuki community has established a structure for separate administration, believing it to be a permanent solution. On its part, the Meitei community has been demanding the removal of “illegal” Kuki settlers in the hilly areas and the fencing of the border.

While the Kuki community seeks a separate administration, the so-called “double-engine government” has failed to identify and account for illegal settlers, managing to fence only 30 km of the border. Individuals displaced due to violence have not yet been resettled, and the State administration has almost ceased functioning in Kuki areas with a breakdown of education, health services, government transport, and other public services. However, an informal administration is running in the Kuki area, with the Kuki community choosing to rely on local administrative services rather than connecting with Imphal.

Composite identity in tatters

The image that Manipur had cultivated over the past 50 years as a State with various ethnic communities—the Meiteis, Nagas, Kukis, Zomis, and Muslims—coexisting in peace has been shattered by the violence and unrest of the last 22 months. No government body, community, or political leader is willing to take responsibility for this turmoil that has deeply scarred the cultural soul of the State. Its future appears bleak, and many residents, troubled by the current situation, are moving out.

Can peace and stability, as the residents of Manipur knew it before May 3, 2023, return? This requires a government that operates impartially, independently, and based on consensus. Also, the armed groups must be disarmed, disbanded, and declared illegal as they are an antithesis to the idea of democracy and rule-based, impartial governance.

Also Read | Manipur’s divided election

For now, Manipur needs a government that will work under the supervision of an all-community and all-party committee. Constitutional and democratic institutions must also function impartially and independently, fulfilling their constitutional obligation alongside their governmental duties. Political, developmental, and administrative decisions regarding Manipur should be made by public representatives and administrative officers in Imphal. If such decisions are dictated from the Prime Minister’s Office or the BJP office in New Delhi, the prospects for peace and stability in the State will diminish, along with the principles of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas”.

The powers that be must realise that while the Central security forces can control violence, they cannot establish lasting peace. Only a dedicated and unbiased government can restore inter-community faith and peace.

Also, despite his resignation, Singh will continue to influence the Meitei community through Arambai Tenggol though his actions were perceived to be appeasing the Naga community while undermining Meitei and Kuki interests. Given the animosity and bitterness among the various groups, evolving a consensus on the new CM is going to be tough. However, the next CM will most likely be from the Meitei community, with Radheshyam Singh (a former IPS officer and a Minister in Singh’s Cabinet) and Sharda Devi (the State BJP president) as frontrunners. What looks more daunting is the task of brokering a peace deal between the two communities, as the Kukis are unlikely to agree to settle for anything less than a separate administration. 

Suwa Lal Jangu is Assistant Professor, Political Science, Mizoram University.