Manipur Violence Escalates: Government’s Inaction Fuel Ethnic Tensions and Humanitarian Crisis in Kangpokpi

The Centre’s continuing unwillingness to effectively mitigate the ethnic violence in Manipur is leading to a crisis. The State, now under President’s Rule, plunged into more violence after an announcement by Home Minister Amit Shah on March 1. One person died and 103 injured, out of which 16 are critical. The reason: a focus on grandstanding instead of addressing people’s needs, even as the State sinks further and further into a humanitarian crisis of its own making.

On March 10, two days after Manipur made it to the news, once again, this time with visuals of burning vehicles and clashes, residents of the hill district of Kangpokpi were busy clearing up remnants of the violence at Keithelmanbi Military Colony (KMC): Shards of glass, tear gas and chilli bomb shells, rocks of all sizes, from people’s homes and on the streets.

Lalgouthang Singsit, 30, who grew up in KMC, was shot dead by security personnel as he was trying to run away from them on March 8, ironically on the day Shah ordered “free movement” across the violence-torn districts of Manipur. This order, made just as the Parliament was to convene, has now disrupted ongoing efforts to instil trust across the affected hill districts, creating a wedge between the district administration and the people.

Indeed, far from anything close to peace that the government has been talking about, International Women’s Day in Manipur saw tribal Kuki-Zo women protesting on the streets against Shah’s announcement, only to be lathi-charged and attacked with tear-gas shells. What transpired on March 8 still seemed to be a source of confusion both for locals who protested this announcement and the security forces that were trying to enforce the order.

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At the centre of this violence is KMC, whose history dates back to WWII, when Kuki-Zo soldiers from Sadar hills had requested a settlement in the foothills from the British political agent, in lieu of their participation in the war. Set up in 1946, KMC is one of the biggest villages along the Asian Highway, formerly National Highway 02.

This highway, a site of extortion by militant groups across communities, is now seeing increased militarisation and developmental activity, owing to the violence and also its expansion. The stretch of the highway running along Kangpokpi district has been a major focus of Shah’s statements throughout the period of violence. The Home Minister’s only visit during the peak of violence ended with him directing Kuki militant groups to open up the highway, which they had blocked since ethnic violence began in Manipur on May 3, 2023. They complied with this direction, despite opposition from the general public. However, the highway has seen multiple blockades since, each of them ending after an intervention from the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA).

Shah’s announcement on March 1 received a mixed response in the State: a few valley-based groups announced they would march into the hills, while tribal organisations in the hills warned of consequences if that were to happen. A day before March 8, the government issued a notification announcing that a bus service would be flagged off from Imphal, which would take passengers to two Kuki-Zo districts: Kangpokpi and Churchandpur. Such services have been announced on at least two occasions earlier but saw no takers, and were called off. In fact, residents of Kangpokpi told Frontline that there has never been a bus service operated by the government from Imphal to their district. 

Deceit of disinformation

On the morning of the March 8, a delegation of the Federation of Civil Societies (FOCS), a Meitei organisation, set off from the Imphal War Cemetery towards Kangpokpi, in what they termed a “peace rally”. The group was stopped by the Manipur Police before they could reach the border of Imphal West and proceed to Kangpokpi. Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) personnel offered them the option of traveling by bus service instead: It was to be escorted, and given security cover.

FOCS refused this offer citing security concerns and backed off from their “peace expedition”. Ahead at Gamgiphai, the border of Imphal West and Kangpokpi, Kuki-Zo women had mobilised to stop members of FOCS, if they were to make it to Kangpokpi. What seemed to be spreading rapidly among the women who had come together was disinformation. For instance, that attempts were being made to deceive the protestors and that Meities would be escorted through the district in bulletproof vehicles; or that Arambai Tenggol members would also be escorted through the district. The latter appears to have arisen from a live video that Robin Magang, an Arambai Tenggol leader, streamed from the border. As such misinformation spread through the crowd, more and more CAPF personnel pulled up at Gamgiphai, taking position between the women and the highway.

At around 11 am, a Border Security Force (BSF) convoy, escorting an empty Manipur State Transport bus, was seen approaching Gamgiphai. The women were livid. Within seconds, they started pelting stones and whatever they could find at the convoy. The CAPF personnel rushed forward to stop them while hurling a stream of tear gas shells. But the convoy managed to make it through the mob, and away from Gamgiphai.

But even after the convoy passed, the disinformation didn’t stop. There were different versions now: Some said Arambai Tenggol members were inside the Casspirs, while others alleged there were two Meiteis inside the vehicles. The women demanded to know how security personnel could allow this. Senior officers, such as the CRPF DIG Manish Sachar shouted back, saying that women can’t dictate what should or shouldn’t be allowed through the property of the government.

The women refused to give up. As several rounds of tear gas rained on them, they kept returning to the highway. They brought out buckets of water and emptied them on tear gas shells when they landed in their midst; some kicked the shells right back at the security personnel. From time to time, they would start singing the national anthem. 

Meanwhile, the convoy escorting the bus had made its way past multiple blockades to KMC, where groups had mobilised in a matter of hours to stop the vehicles. Titing Dimngel, 51, who was part of a group of women who tried to stop the convoy said they received frantic calls from Gamgiphai, directing them to stop the convoy. In two rows, the residents of the village decided to stop the convoy, the first comprising of women, and the second, men.

Blockades were set up across the highway including a private bus that was placed diagonally on the highway, blocking its path. When the convoy approached KMC and stopped because of the blockade, Titing and her team flagged it down, demanding that they return along with the bus. “We told an officer that we can’t allow the convoy to proceed as were opposed to this free movement,” said Titing, recollecting how in a matter of minutes, the personnel resorted to lathi charge and more tear gas. Then the men entered the scene, pelting stones, glass bottles and petrol bombs. A minibus used by the CRPF was set on fire, as the convoy tried to force its way through. The men then emptied cement blocks on the road, making it impossible for the convoy to move ahead.

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The roads were a picture of chaos: mobs pelting stones, security personnel opened fire and hurled tear gas, chilli bombs and shot pellets. The men would run away only to regroup. This continued for hours, with both sides seeming to give up around 4.30 pm. Half an hour later, two boys trying to cross the road were stopped by CRPF personnel and an altercation broke out. The CRPF chased the boys into the KMC streets, where there were other men hiding; and they all began running away. Singsit was among them. Singsit’s friend Letboimanf told Frontline that Singsit was shot dead when tried to run towards his home.

The district closed up after this, along with the highway. Kuki-Zo groups said they would not open the highway or claim the body of Singsit till their demands were met. These included the transfer of the SP and an apology from the government. The MHA refused to concede to the demands. Left with no choice, Singsit’s funeral was held on March 13. The following day the highway was opened again.

What seems beyond repair is the bitterness among the Kuki-Zo groups in Kangpokpi, who had welcomed President’s Rule a month prior. “Is this exercise of taking an empty bus through this highway more important than rebuilding trust among communities? Why is it so important?” asked Kimneizou, general secretary of the Kuki Women’s Organisation for Human Rights. She questioned the motive of Shah’s announcement and demanded to know how an empty bus can take precedence over the needs of the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and the unaddressed cases of rape and murder.

“Is the Indian government trying to provoke us despite the tensions between communities?” asked Kimneizou, cautioning that such shallow attempts to project normalcy in the State will only lead to a backlash.

At home and in the line of fire

Paongam Dimngel, 67, a retired teacher from KMC, was crouched in a corner of his room when a chilli bomb landed inside it. From early in the afternoon, he had seen young boys from his locality run past his house towards the highway with stones in their hands, only to be chased by security personnel. But he didn’t expect that his own house would come under the line of fire.

Covering himself with a blanket, he remained in the same position for an hour, fearing more shells. Living at least half a kilometre away from the highway, Dimngel was confounded that security personnel could lob tear gas shells and chill bombs into homes. Dimngel later told Frontline that the events of March 8^{were disgraceful. “This could have been easily avoided if they [the government] had just spoken to us. Our people need to be heard.”}

About the events of March 8, the district administration and security personnel insist they had communicated to Kuki-Zo organisations, the previous day, that an empty bus would be driven through the district. The organisations appeared to have agreed, several officials told Frontline. This empty bus made its way through Churchandpur district and out, without any incident. But the groups of women assembled at Gamgiphai and the residents of KMC seemed to have no idea about this agreement between their leaders and security personnel.

Lhunmang Mangjel, the village chairman of KMC, was at a loss for words when asked if he was aware of such an agreement. Mangjel had received a call from Kuki-Zo leaders asking him to block the highway. No other communication was made to him. These leaders were less than a kilometre away from Keithelmanbi, and yet none of them had intervened to stop the clashes between the residents and the police at KMC.

Kimneizou, and several other women leaders, are now demanding accountability for what happened on March 8. Highlighting how women are being subject to risk even when they have no say in leadership or decision making, Mary, another member of the group, wondered why both the government and their leaders were behaving like “headless chicken”. “We will not allow more people to die over nothing”! she exclaims.

But what emerges every time such misguided, insensitive attempts are made by the Central government, is the absolute disregard of the opinions of the people in the hills, who have been echoing this differential treatment for years. 

Manipur’s Budget, meanwhile was filed by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman in Parliament, as the State was now under President’s Rule. The inadequacy of the Budget in addressing the needs of IDPs was echoed by many MPs. Manipur’sCongress MP Alfred K. Arthur pointed out how the Budget was a legal and Constitutional anomaly: The Manipur Legislative Assembly Order, 1972, brought into effect by Article 371 (C) of the Constitution mandates that all developmental plans, need to be made separately for the hill areas and the rest of the State. Sitharaman’s budget didn’t do so, and this trend, said Arthur, has been the norm in Manipur functioned since 1972.

“This order is in place so that disproportionate assets aren’t created between the hills and the valley; 98 per cent of the hills are occupied by tribal communities in Manipur. This is how problems are created,” Arthur added.

The 22 months of violence has left every part of Manipur scarred. But this disparity has been at the core of the violence in Manipur, often overlooked by narratives that seem to be fixated on insurgency, weapons, or drugs, all of which have been systemic problems the State for decades, well before before May 3, 2023.

No peace without justice

That the ousted Chief Minister was partisan doesn’t need any further proof. But even after the imposition of the President’s Rule, very little is being done to address the glaring lack of governance in the State that has left the hills further marginalised.Critically ill patients, for instance, continue to travel for days to access medical care.

Law enforcement agencies, who were seen as communal, are yet to absolve themselves. A viral video emerged from Kangpokpi of a group of young men playing football, where some players were holding weapons. This video was uploaded by one of the boys in the video; within weeks, the YouTubers seen in the video were arrested. On the other hand, the Governor met leaders of the Arambai Tenggol, many of them accused of committing heinous crimes against Kuki-Zo tribes, orchestrating violence against Meitei Christians, extorting Meitei groups and occupying abandoned properties of the Kuki-Zo in Imphal. A group of them were arrested from their unit in Kakching for facilitating activities of banned militant groups, only to be released within hours.

The events of March 8 only strengthen the belief that the government is partisan. And peace cannot be achieved without justice. The lack of will to address simmering dissidence with fairness rather than brute force will only impede Manipur’s road to recovery.

Greeshma Kuthar is an independent lawyer and journalist from Tamil Nadu. Her primary focus is investigating the evolving methods of the far right, their use of cultural nationalism regionally, and their attempts to assimilate caste identities into the RSS fold.